نشریه مطالعات تاریخی جهان اسلام
پیاپی 29 (بهار 1403)

The entry of the Seljuks into power and their monarchy over Iran and Iraq had unfortunate consequences for Shiite scholars. Because they were later asked to be harassed and rejected and exiled. Their seminary in Baghdad was also closed. As a result, the interaction of Shiite scholars with the Seljuk government was generally cut off and declined. This research tries to study and explain the reasons and reasons for the decline of the interaction of Shiite scholars with the Seljuk government by the method of historical research and descriptive-analytical method based on first-hand sources and valid new scientific researches. Findings indicate that various political-religious causes and factors such as the religion of the Seljuk sultans, the Seljuks' attempt at political exploitation and gaining legitimacy, the circumstances and time, pessimism and resentment of ministers and captives towards Shiites and Shiite scholars, religious differences and Anti-Shiism, the presence and influence of Sunni scholars in the Seljuk court, the presence of Shiite princes and commanders in the Caliphate court in the Al-Buwayh era, the religious unity of the Seljuk government and the Abbasid caliphate and severe religious differences with Shiites, Seljuk political power and lack of need for Shiites. The decline was due to the interaction of Shiite scholars with the Seljuk government. However, the Shiite scholars continued the interactive method and never confronted the caliphate.

French colonialism in Algeria should be viewed from different angles, the most important aspect of which is cultural policies. Unlike other European colonizers, French colonizers constantly paid attention to the cultural issues of their colonies; in such a way that it advances its goals and programs through cultural policies. Algeria was one of the important colonies of France, which is considered the greatest examples of colonialism in the history of modern European colonialism. In Algeria, France paid attention to conscious and regular cultural policies before and more than the military issue. The strategy of French colonialism in the cultural field in Algeria was based on the use of all available tools in order to destroy the cultural and spiritual structures there, to replace the French-Western structures and other goals. In the first step, French colonialism fought against the Arabic language and limited it and distorted the history of Islam and Algeria; Therefore, they established the French school to attract the elites and to some extent they succeeded in promoting the western-French culture by using newspapers, theater, cinema, radio, etc. The current research has a descriptive-analytical approach and its main goal is to investigate the cultural policies of French colonialism in Algeria during the colonial era and its negative consequences. The main questions of this research are: What are the cultural policies of French colonialism in Algeria and its consequences between 1830 and 1954? What is the role of the French school in Algeria in advancing colonial cultural policies? The approaches of this research show that French colonialism carried out five strategic actions in the field of cultural policies in Algeria: 1- Prohibiting the Arabic language and promoting the tribal and French languages ​​2- Promoting the sense of barbarism 3- Educating self-inclined elites 4- Pressure and control of mosques and angles 5- Use of media and art.

Foreign policy refers to a set of innovative or reactive measures of a country in the external environment and international conditions, the purpose of which is to realize the goals and national interests of the country in relation to other societies, governments and international institutions. The political system of Iraq was changed from a monarchy to a republic in 1958 through a coup, and the three currents of communism, Arab nationalists, and Baath, as the main and ruling currents in the country, were able to take control of affairs until 2003. The present article answers the question that what are the main issues of Iraq's foreign policy in the period after the fall of the kingdom until the fall of the Baath Party (1958-2003)? It is assumed that despite the existence of border problems, war with two neighboring countries, water crisis, but they are not the main issues of Iraq's foreign policy, and the findings of the research conducted with the descriptive-analytical method indicate that, the Palestinian crisis, oil cartels, convergence of Arabs and projects of unity with the country of Syria are issues that have been continuously at the top of the policies of the ruling currents. Understanding these issues can be considered as a strategy for the current ruling trend (Islamism trend) and be effective in the micro and macro policy making of Iraq's foreign policy.

The form of communication with the Abbasid caliphate (132-656 AH) is one of the important issues of Iranian governments, which were formed in the 3rd century of Hijri. Al-Buyeh (322-448 AH) established their relationship with the Abbasid caliphate in the form of the Dominion Emirate and Amir al-Umara. The distinguishing point of Al Buyeh's relationship with the Abbasid caliphate compared to other concurrent governments was their obvious Iranism tendencies. The main issue and purpose of this research is to explain and analyze the pro-Iranian tendencies of the first and second generation of Al Buyeh rulers (322-372 AH) in the political and cultural-social context of their era and its effect on their relationship with the Abbasid Caliphate. The collection of historical and archaeological data using the method of library study and their description and analysis revealed the result that Azad al-Doleh Deilami entered the genealogy of his family, attributed to the Sassanians in the text of the historical report of Kitab al-Taji, in order to counter the political and genealogical claims of other ancient Iranian dynasties, such as the Bavandi family. However, despite dominating the Abbasid caliphate system, the first and second generations of the Buyeh dynasty, especially Azad al-Dole, due to political and religious considerations, limited their Iranian tendencies to mention the title of emperor and receive this title from the caliph.

After the defeat of the Ghaznavids in the Battle of Dandanegan (431 AD), the Seljuk Turkomans, following the tradition of the Iranian-Islamic kingdom, laid the foundation of a government that was named the Great Seljuks. However, they were forced to hand over parts of this land to the Turkmen leaders based on the political traditions of the Turks. The adoption of this strategy led to the formation of dynasties that were named Seljuk local dynasties in comparison with the supreme power of the central government. The Kerman Seljuks were the earliest of these dynasties, which were founded in 433 AD by Emad al-Doleh Qaward. During the 149-year period of coexistence between this family and the Seljuk central government, relations were established between the parties. The present article tries to identify the factors influencing the formation of these relations, and examines the way these factors affect the relations between the two governments in a historical way. The findings of the research show that seven factors have caused the formation of relations between the two governments. Four factors, the expansionist strategies of the Seljuks of Kerman, the efforts of the Seljuks of Kerman to achieve the position of the great Seljuks, the independence of the Seljuks of Kerman and the central government's attempt to overthrow the Seljuks of Kerman have caused tension and divergence in their relations. The succession disputes of the Seljuks of Kerman, blood ties and Ghozan's attack on Kerman were also four factors that had an effect on the convergence of relations between the two governments.

The Talpuran dynasty was one of the local governments of the Sindh region that ruled the Sindh region for about 172 years (1783-1955 AD). The issue of this research is, what was Talpuran's ethnic and religious identity? This research investigated the above issue with a historical approach and with a descriptive-analytical method and came to the conclusion that the Talpurans were among the Baluchs of Iran and followers of the Twelver Shia religion, and they formed a government in the Sindh region. Contrary to the hypothesis of the rival and according to the historical reasons and evidences, before reaching power in Sindh province, the Talpuran dynasty were Twelver Shiites.

Shiism, one of the two main currents of Islam, has faced various threats and obstacles since the beginning of its life in Iran, and the final period of the Abbasid Caliphate is considered a turning point in this regard. The political and social behavior of the Imami Shiites needs to be re-read along with their religious principles. The Imami Shiites tried to preserve and perpetuate their group identity by taking advantage of the position of Naqibs, the Readers of Manqbat, and influential ministers and using the strategic principle of Taqiyyah, and in this incompatible context with their religious approach, they tried to advance the Shiite political and social base. The results of the research indicate that various factors such as the weakness of the Abbasid caliphate, religious conflicts and the spread of Shiite thought, the decline of deviant Shiite thoughts, the close relationship between Shiism and Sufism, Shiism's adherence to the strategic principle of Taqiyyah, changes in the theoretical foundations of Shiism, and the use of Shiites by The culture of endowment and taking advantage of the institution of ministry is a part of the situation of Shiites in the late Abbasid era. This descriptive and analytical research aims to show the religious and intellectual status of Shia Imamieh in the final era of the Abbasid Caliphate.